The
case of corruption in South Korea can be situated in a complex nexus which
revolves the government(public sector), the Chaebols and the banks. Scholars
who studied the case of corruption in South Korea often found themselves in an
opposing position. Those who looked at it from a developmental state model
overlooked corruption and those who viewed it as a case of crony capitalism
overestimated the incident of corruption. From an historical point of view, the
transition of South Korea from a predatory to a developmental state is quite
fascinating as it rests upon the perception of corruption and the various ways
in which it manifested itself in different forms in both the cases.
In
recent times it has been noted that the number of officials found to have
broken the public-service ethics code almost doubled between 2008 and 2010 (Economist, July 21, 2011). As of 2015,
the anti corruption campaign led by former prime minister Lee Wan-Koo came to a
standstill when a construction tycoon, Sun Wan Jong hung himself and left a
suicide note naming all those who took huge sums of bribe from him. Lee Wan-Koo
was one of the names on the list along with the names of other top bureaucrats
and public officials. South Korea has often found itself in scandals involving government
officials and business tycoons.
Wedeman
(Wedeman, Andrew. 1997. “Looters,
Rent-Scrapers, and Dividend Collectors: Corruption and Growth in Zaire, South
Korea, and the Philippines.”) argued
that Korea has had widespread, high-level corruption ever since 1945 but that
the type of corruption in Korea was functional for economic development. He
distinguished three different types of corruption such as looting,
rent-scraping, and dividend-collecting. Korea
represents the third kind where dividend collecting meant trade of a percentage
of the profits earned by privately owned enterprises to government officials.
He argues that the Korean government sold economic opportunities and collected
some amount of profit, which then stayed within the country and not in swiss
bank accounts. (You Jong-sung 2005,
“Embedded Autonomy or Crony Capitalism?: Explaining Corruption in South Korea,
Relative to Taiwan and the Philippines, Focusing on the Role of Land Reform and
Industrial Policy”)
The key ares of focus to locate corruption in South Korea would
be the complexity of their tax laws, the high incidence of tax evasion by the
Chaebols and a symbiotic relationship between the bureaucracy and the private
industry. Park’s centrally managed economy produced a large scope for
rent seeking and corruption (Lee 1995). During the mid-1970s, a Korean social
scientist noted, “The rapid expansion of the scope of governmental authority
(under Park) tended to induce corruption at a far greater scale and in an even
more pervasive manner than before (under Rhee)” (Hahn 1975, “The Authority Structure of Korean Politics”).
Scholars argue that income inequality increases the level of
corruption. The wealthy have a greater ability to engage in corruption and in
their incentives for beyond political influence increases as a redistributive
pressures grow with inequality (You and
Khagram, 2005). In the case of Korea, the correlation between the two
happens to be very high. Therefore the Chaebol centred economy produced(and
continues to produce) a higher inequality as well as more incentives and
opportunities for corruption.
Therefore,
from an economic standpoint, the argument whether the democratisation of South
Korea has liberated it of its predatory nature, or continues to conceal itself
under a developmental state apparatus remains a crucial problem and thus
complicates one's understanding of corruption in such a complex
economic-political setup.
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